This was of course an utter absurdity, and it left most people unconvinced. For it has been the common observation everywhere that corruption assumes a virulent form and dangerous proportions only when it is rampant among those occupying the top positions. The reason why this happens is simple. When persons in superior positions resort to corruption and manage to go scot free, the malady advances at a galloping pace, leaving the honest administrators and the common people thoroughly demoralised and frustrated. In his endeavour to provide the country with a clean and efficient administration the President has clearly recognised the necessity of beginning the cleansing operation from the top. guidelines for political activity dawn december 23, 1969 (Editorial) revival of political life with the publication of the rules which will govern the conduct of political activities the stage has now been set for the full revival of political life as from January. Political parties and leaders of opinion will be given the opportunity to resume their work which was interrupted when Martial Law was imposed nine months ago.
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His body will be flown to teheran for burial in the writing Iranian capital. Mr Mirza took up residence in London after he fell out with former President ayub Khan. A telegram sent from London to syed Asad Ali, mr Mirzas son-in-law, in Karachi said that according to the wishes of the former President he would be buried in Teheran. The royal government of Iran will accord a state burial to his body. 303 gazetted officers suspended dawn december 9, 1969 (Editorial) Action against officials the presidents concern over the prevalence of corruption in the public administration has found expression in several public pronouncements, beginning with his first broadcast as the Chief Martial Law Administrator and including. The action that he promised against public servants who were found guilty of corruption, abuse of power etc. Has now been initiated. The government has just released a list of 303 Class I gazetted officers who have been placed under suspension and who will be proceeded against under Martial Law Regulation. It is a formidable list not only in the number of officials it affects but also in its composition, which reveals a fairly high proportion of officials occupying superior and, in some cases, the highest positions in the administration. The list constitutes an emphatic refutation of the belief that was sought to be fostered by the last regime that the malady of corruption is largely confined to public servants at the lower rungs of the administrative ladder and that the upper echelons of the.
Pakistan finds itself at a critical turning point in its life as a sovereign country with the abrogation of database the 1962 Constitution and the imposition of Martial Law. Field Marshal ayub Khans reasons for taking the decision that he announced on tuesday march 25are well elucidated in his valedictory message to the people as also in his letter calling upon the Army Chief, general Agha mohammad Yahya khan, to assume the responsibility. Field Marshal ayub Khan has referred to the spread of agitation, violence and lawlessness, to the grave setback which the economy has suffered and to the state of helplessness to which constitutional authority and civil power have been reduced. It is indeed tragic that hopes of a peaceful transfer of power should have been dashed to the ground and the country should have been pushed to the brink of catastrophe. The Armed Forces have now been called upon to retrieve a situation that has come to be viewed by all patriotic elements with increasing trepidation. It is a very heavy responsibility which now rests on the Armed Forces and on their leader, gen. Yahya khan, who assumes the office of the Chief Martial Law Administrator. death of pakistans first president, dawn november 14, 1969 (News Report). Iskander Mirza dies, general iskander Mirza, who was President of pakistan until October 1958, died in London of a heart attack.
Jahan Khwab, wahan hbl. Click on the buttons below to read more from this special feature. Martial law: constitution abrogated, dawn march summary 27, 1969 (Editorial moving back from the brink. Richard Nixon (sitting third from left) seated with Yahya khan during his first visit to lahore as President of the United States in August 1969. On the extreme right is his wife Thelma catherine pat Nixon. The country has just witnessed a change of very great importance — a change which is capable of affecting the future essay course of the nations political evolution in a profound way. The departure from the political scene of field Marshal Mohammad ayub Khan brings to a close a phase which lasted more than a decade.
Since 1971, one has heard of the great saneha of East pakistan, yet perhaps lessons are still left unlearned. While the separation of East pakistan brought about democracy in the truncated pakistan which survived, events in 19, once again, and despite a democratic dispensation, brought to the fold issues of greater centralisation against so-called regionalism and provincialism, with little accountability and retribution of those. The writer is a political economist based in Karachi. He has a phD in History from the University of Cambridge, and teaches at Columbia university in New York and at the iba in Karachi. This story is the 5th part of a series of 16 special reports under the banner of 70 years of pakistan and Dawn.'. Visit the archive to read these reports. Hbl has been an indelible part of the nations fabric since independence, enabling the dreams of millions of pakistanis. At hbl, we salute the dreamers and dedicate the nations 70th anniversary to you.
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Despite the fact that West pakistanis were told as late as Dec 14 and 15 that they were winning the war, on Dec 16, 1971, gen. Tiger niazi, goc, east pakistan, surrendered to the Indian troops led by gen Jagjit Singh Aurora in Dhaka. East pakistan had now formally become bangladesh. Not just had there been yet another partition in the Indian subcontinent, but Jinnahs two-nation theory had also come undone. Lieutenant General Amir Abdullah Khan Tiger niazi (right head of paper the eastern Command, signing the Treaty of Surrender on December 16, 1971. On the left is lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, joint Commander of the bangladesh-India allied Forces. Shuja nawaz writes that it was a corrupt militarys wishful thinking, a military which had become used to the culture of entitlement, clouded by blissful ignorance and liberal doses of alcohol which led to pakistans debacle, but it is evident that there were at least.online
By not acknowledging the wishes of the electorate, bhutto and his backers in the military created a crisis which the military then dealt with in the only way it knew how. Elite interests in West pakistan were unwilling to give democracy and the people their mandate. While west pakistani politicians are responsible for the constitutional failure, it was only the military leadership which was responsible for the massacres that took place in East pakistan. Sadly though, not many west pakistani intellectuals or political leaders protested and opposed military action in East pakistan. Their silence makes them complicit in the killings. India helped East pakistan become bangladesh in the last few months of 1971, but was not responsible for the conditions between 19 which led to the breakup of pakistan. External forces can only build on local fissures and take advantage of conditions created domestically, and India did just that.
After repeated failed attempts to call the national Assembly meeting and with talks completely having broken down, Operation searchlight was launched by the military on March 25, 1971, under Gen tikka khan, with both Yahya and Bhutto still in Dhaka. There has been a great deal written by pakistani military men and historians, as well as by Indian and Bangladeshi academics and scholars, on what happened in East pakistan between March 25 and Dec 16, 1971. While versions may vary, as do number counts — of casualties, massacres and rapes — there is broad consensus, especially among pakistani authors, that the scale and nature of atrocities conducted by the military was on a horrific scale. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at one of the several United Nations Security council meetings ahead of the fall of Dhaka. The directorate of Electronic Media and Publications demp, ministry of Information, Broadcasting national Heritage, islamabad karachi. A pakistani journalist who worked for the morning News in Karachi, anthony mascarenhas, wrote for the london Sunday times on June 13, 1971, an article simply entitled Genocide, which revealed to the world the atrocities committed in East pakistan.
Yet, while george harrison of the beatles organised a concert for Bangladesh, the us and other world powers, turned a blind eye to what was happening in East pakistan. As the massacre took place in East pakistan, henry kissinger and Richard Nixon did nothing, intentionally, as documented in Gary bass book, the Blood Telegram, based partly on a telegram sent by Archer Blood, the then us consul general in Dhaka, who warned of what. The Americans at the time were courting maos China and pakistan mattered to them, for it was the conduit for what later became known as ping-pong diplomacy. China, too, kept out of pakistans internal affairs. Military action in East pakistan continued from March to early december, with a bangladesh government-in-exile based in Kolkata (Calcutta at the time). A pretty large number of non-Bengalis, mainly biharis, were also killed by those who were part of the mukti bahini fighting their war of independence, and hundreds of thousands of East pakistanis fled across the border into India. Millions of refugees fled East Bengal with bare belongings in search of safety. Eventually, india launched a military attack on East pakistan in november, with (West) pakistan attacking Indian territory on Dec.
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Soon roles after the election results, there was talk of having two prime ministers for pakistan, with Bhutto apparently having agreed. Yahya, on the other hand, on a visit to Dhaka, called Mujib the future prime minister of pakistan. On his return to west pakistan from Dhaka, yahya flew to larkana to meet Bhutto, who advised Yahya not to give control of the national Assembly, and, hence, of pakistan, to mujib. Bhutto flew to Dhaka to meet Mujib, but talks had clearly failed between the two. Shuja nawaz in his Crossed Swords writes that there were many senior generals who were willing to back Bhutto. Clearly, the electoral winner in West pakistan and the generals were not willing to honour the election results and a major political and constitutional crisis was at hand. Bhutto famously remarked that a majority alone does not count (ironically, words which would haunt his daughter in 1988 and further made one of his many famous statements, threatening to break the legs of any west pakistani elected representative who proceeded to Dhaka — tangain. It was Bhutto, again, who later uttered words that led to one journalist coining the famed headline: udhar tum, idhar hum.
Bhuttos pakistan peoples Party won 81 seats out of 138 in West pakistan, becoming the majority party in West pakistan, mainly from Sindh and Punjab. The critical outcome from the 1970 elections was that neither of the two largest parties won a single seat in the other wing. Electorally, pakistan stood divided. A grim Yahya khan at a function during his dictatorship that lasted from March 25, 1969, to december 20, 1971. While the militarys Operation searchlight in East pakistan started in March 1971, essay the short period following the elections until the brutal military operations, clearly showed how the egos of a handful of West pakistani politicians played out and were matched with the incompetence and unwillingness. United pakistan just might have been saved in these few weeks had the punjabi-muhajir military-bureaucratic leadership allowed the results of the 1970 elections to be honoured. But this would have gone against their very own genius and their core material interests. Moreover, there was one particular popular democrat who refused to acknowledge the democratic mandate which did not entirely suit him.
on reports by military intelligence which stated that no single party would win a majority in parliament, and, with a hung parliament, real power would still reside with the military-bureaucracy oligarchy. Due to monsoon rains in East Bengal, the government postponed the elections by two months. The polls were announced for Dec. However, a devastating cyclone in november 1970 in East pakistan, which claimed the lives of close to 200,000 people, sealed the fate of the elections and, in retrospect it seems, of pakistan. East pakistanis were appalled at the response of the predominantly punjabi-muhajir military-bureaucratic administration in dealing with this crisis, and East pakistani politicians, with just a few weeks to go for pakistans first elections, were eager to point out how irrelevant pakistani bengalis had become. Academics studying the process of democratisation in pakistan have argued that one of the many reasons why elections were never held in pakistan was the fear of the punjabi-muhajir elites, and of their military-bureaucratic alliance, that with East pakistans majority population universal franchise would always. The 1970 election results went further in confirming these fears. Sheikh Mujibs Awami league won 160 of the 162 seats in East pakistan, giving it a majority in united pakistans parliament.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, chief of the Awami league, addressing a public rally in Dhakas Paltan maidan during his election campaign. Photo: Dawn/White Star Archives. It was the numerous contradictions which emerged from the decade of developments capitalist logic under an authoritarian military state which gave rise to the regional, social, economic and political discontent of the late 1960s, forcing ayub Khans resignation in pakistans first popular uprising. In West pakistan, while it was Baloch and pakhtun nationalists who were demanding the end of the One Unit, it was Bhutto who led students, the working classes and sections of the newly emerging middle classes against ayub. While some scholars have read too much into the Bhutto agitation, stating that pakistan was on the verge of a socialist revolution, his not being Punjabi and having already publicly parted ways with ayub after Tashkent in 1966, saw Bhutto emerge as the dominant voice. In East pakistan, even though maulana Bhashani spoke for the peasants of the province, it was Sheikh Mujib, who, after raising his Six-point Programme in 1966 for democracy and greater provincial autonomy, and who was implicated (but later released) in the Agartala conspiracy case. It is important to state that while some bengali voices were challenging the unity of pakistan, mujib, at this political juncture, was still in favour of a united, democratic, federal pakistan, despite the growing realisation in the eastern wing that East pakistan had by now. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman making his way through a sea of supporters in Lahore while he was still a pakistani. Under these circumstances, led by charismatic and populist leaders who had sat through 11 years of military rule, yahya salon khan announced elections for October 1970, doing away with the One Unit, giving the majority province on the basis of its population 162 seats.
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The haunting tell-tale image on the top is symbolic of the plight of those who had survived the trauma of the 1971 war, which had led to the dismemberment of pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh. She was captured through the lens of acclaimed Indian photographer Raghu rai who had accompanied the Indian forces to Dhaka during the war. Raghu rai has gifted his photographs to dawn for this Special Report. Akbar zaidi, in her book, the Struggle for pakistan: a statement muslim Homeland and Global Politics, ayesha jalal writes about Gen Agha muhammad Yahya khan, who imposed martial law after replacing Gen ayub Khan in March 1969 as president of pakistan when the latter was forced. Perhaps many would still remember Yahya for what Jalal calls his nocturnal activities, since they were the talk of the nation, and General Rani became part of what she calls elite gossip. However, it is more probable that today yahya khan is remembered for two extraordinary developments that took place under his watch: the elections of 1970, and the subsequent massacre in East pakistan, leading to the separation of the latter and the creation of Bangladesh. He played a key role in both events. Of course, yahya, even if indeed he was perpetually inebriated, was not the lone player in what happened in 1970-71. Two other actors, zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, played critical roles as well.